“I also apologise to you on behalf of those who preceded us as bishops and congregational leaders. We offer no excuses for their actions, or for ours, that have caused you harm.” Cardinal Dew’s comments in Auckland were part of witness statements being recorded from faith-based institutions at the abuse in care inquiry that is underway to resolve historic and current abuse claims.
Prime Minister, Jacinda Ardern, said the inquiry would “confront a dark chapter” in New Zealand’s history.
The inquiry would result in a royal commission in 2018 into child abuse in New Zealand which would later expanded to include churches and other faith-based institutions, with considerable land holdings, as the tsunami scale of offending in what Adern called “a dark chapter” in New Zealand’s history became to be realised. An interim report by the commission in December found up to a quarter of a million children, young people and vulnerable adults were physically and sexually abused in New Zealand’s faith-based and state care institutions from the 1960s to early 2000s.
In fact in New Zealand systematic abuse by the Catholic Church date back to the 1930’s. The social impact of this industrialised form of mass abuse has being massive.
Matthew Epsom in his brilliant blog, ‘A conflict of interest?,’ on the schematics behind the orchestrated nature of the catholic Church industrialisation of abuse writes;
“One of New Zealand’s diplomatic relations is actually not with another country, but with a peculiar legal corporate person under international law called the Holy See. The Holy See is often mistakenly referred to as the Vatican. However, the Vatican and the Holy See are not the same things…Therefore, as New Zealand’s Royal Commission of Inquiry into Abuse in Care looks into what happened to children, young people and adults at risk in the care of the Catholic Church in New Zealand, perhaps the commission could investigate the Holy See’s non-compliance with international conventions in respect of child abuse by its personnel, along with the role of the Catholic Church’s laws and internal regulations in impeding child protection, and even its insurance contracts being used to indemnify itself against legal liability from survivor complaints — not to mention how “Te Houhanga Rongo/A Path To Healing”, the NZ Catholic Church’s redress scheme for victims of clergy and religious sexual abuse, helps the Church, rather than the victims.“
In my 1999 best seller State Secrets I had written
“Christchurch’s Latimer Square epitomises the street level impact of all that we’ve discussed in this book.
At night time the square is just not a very nice place to be: winos and glueheads compete for park bench space, hoping that the night will be free of harassment from skinheads who pimp underage street kids as
prostitutes, or the passing police patrols, that seem oblivious to the former who with their charges lean against the graffiti stained walls of the central city masonic hall.“
I was told repeatedly then my claims in my book were ‘bullshit’ as the prevailing feeling of the Peter Ellis case with its absurd stories of satanic child abuse cults was still raw in minds of Christchurch residents. As citizens were being asked to schizophrenically believe that stories of satanic child abuse were simply not true as simultaneously they were being asked to ignore how such a perverse miscarriage of justice had permitted as Peter Ellis the creche worker was arrested on evidence of substandard quality and left to rot in jail until being released but not pardoned. In 2004 however even The conservative Christchurch Press had confirmed my own findings that satanic or not orchestrated trafficking of child sex abuse was most certainly taking place in Christchurch. This was followed by flood gate of academic and international studies which would single Christchurch out but not review how these new findings simply only dammed those who had accused Ellis and used him as apparent scape goat;
Christchurch to probe under-age prostitution problem
27 Feb, 2004 12:53 AM
Turns out I was right after all.
Subsequent academic studies confirmed street youth in Christchurch were being used as pawns by bigger fish after being groomed not just for sex but for other crimes as well. Be the crime arson burglary or pimping of underage sex workers.
See also https://postman-productions.com/2019/07/22/another-kiwi-paradise-paper-offender-with-connection-to-organisation-tide-to-charity-tax-abuse-paedophile-and-murder-emerges/ for background details regarding the money laundering background history (its connection to UK charities tied to the Royal family and the Epstein designed Clinton based Global Foundation) of the legal firms involved who are also on record of facilitating and helping to cover up the sexual abuse complaints in institutes run by the Catholic Church in Christchurch and the order of St Nazareth.
Photo (Above) Rob Davidson & Christchurch Mayor Liana Dalziel. You’re the lawmaker, I’m the lawbreaker. You make ’em’, I break ’em’”.
With that in mind lets take another look at the Peter Ellis Case in Christchurch where The Police Managers’ Guild was represented by legal facilitator Mr Rob Davidson, senior partner in Davidson Legal, father of Christchurch Councillor Mike Davidson and husband to Christchurch mayor Liane Dalziel.
Davidson, who passed away in 2020, was born after his father had an affair with a 17-year-old woman, a ward of the state who was living with Davidson’s grandmother. Davidson was secretly adopted back into his father’s family where he was raised by his father’s wife, believing she was his mother. Discovering he was adopted later on in life “rocked his adult world”. In the piece, Davidson said he believed his father’s wife “resented him, which would have contributed to what was a troubled upbringing within a working-class family, with beatings not only at home but also at school and at the hands of the police – nothing out of the ordinary for the 1950s”.
Over a period of three years before 1970 he was convicted of disorderly behaviour, burglary, wilful damage, breach of probation. while growing up in Kaikoura a long way from his “dedication to the Police Managers’ Guild Trust as its lawyer and confidant of the police’s deepest secrets for 25 years”. Which has since his death led to it establishing a scholarship in his name upon his death.
Davidson was also made a life member of the Labour Party and served 25 years as a board member and periods as chairman, on the Salisbury Street Foundation which aims to “rehabilitate and re-integrate serious offenders into society” including violent sex offenders (which as a result to the glee of property developers help crash house prices near by). Other acts of his public service included serving on the board of community health centre Piki Te Ora and the Male Survivors of Sexual Abuse Trust.
Davidson was also a close associate of Ron Jorgensen who was convicted for the 1963 Bassett Road murders which resulted after the bullet-riddled bodies of Frederick George Walker and Kevin James Speight were found in a sly grog house on Bassett Rd in Remuera, Auckland. Prior to Jorgensen disappearance from Kaikoura in 1984, following his release from prison, when his abandoned car was found at the bottom of a cliff near Kaikōura. Rumours have it he faked his own death (prints revealed his car was pushed by some one with only four fingers fitting the description of one of Jorgensen’s mates in Kaikoura) and fled to Australia, though he continued to be seen in New Zealand long from time to time. Other associates of Davidson links to Kaikoura and his time in the railways involved those with ties to the Mr Asia drug syndicated and centred on the fishing fleets which operated out of Kaikoura.
Davidson bio also includes that he was;
1. A suspect in Peter Ellis Case (before police were encouraged to look else where and focus on Ellis alone and listed on the original search warrants.
2. At the time of the Civic Creche investigation he was married to Civic Creche supervisor Gaye Davidson who raised the alarm (before being charged herself) after being approached by one of the creche mothers in 1991 around the time stories of the child trafficking ring started doing rounds in Christchurch. This is acknowledge by Christchurch criminologist Greg Newbold (prior to his recent memory lapse) in his review of ‘City Possessed’ by Lynley hood (who did not interview a single child involved ) and again in Queer Nation corroborated by Michael Laws
3. In 2000, Dalziel married Christchurch lawyer Rob Davidson. Lianne Dalziel saying Davidson proposal included the line “You’re the lawmaker, I’m the lawbreaker. You make ’em’, I break ’em’”.
Their relationship began just three years after the Crèche investigation when Dalziel, who was a member of Parliament at the time and married to Mike Pannel, had been invited to speak at the Engineers’ Union about MMP ahead of the following year’s referendum on the matter. Wikipedia has Dalziel divorcing the same year in 1995 and citing the stress of parliamentary life was a major factor. She claims to not have met Davidson before hand. Dalziel was however an aunt of one of the children at the Crèche, via her sister Alison Dalziel (Photo Right). Alison its alleged, by pro Ellis protractors, is one of the women who shaped Detective Colin Eade’s perception of what went down at the Creeche and that Ellis was the ring leader along with Liane’s future husband wife Gaye.
The suggestion is Eade was being led literally by his balls to reach the conclusion Ellis was guilty and the original claims made against Ellis had being true (despite a second replicate complaint made against another male worker at a separate crèche having proved unfounded).
True or False?
Will it can reported that Eade was also having sexual relationship with another woman (an accepted fact but whose identity has never being fully made clear), who also had children at the crèche and who had attended or participated in the so called satanic ritual warning conferences – co hosted by government social workers and those with political connections. So if nothing else their was certainly a major conflict of interest taking place between Eade’s personal life and his professional role as a detective.
For the recorded that satanic abuse story seemed to be something the group of people accusing Ellis were keen to promote only after stories of a Californian linked drug pedo ring had already surfaced. (Note the California drug paedophile allegations also featured in the Bert Potter Case (coincide in the era of Mr Asia’s America expansion – which was also derailed for seven years by a paedophile detective, later convicted, running interference on the original case against Potter).
Complaints of alleged abuse were said to have actually being made pre satanic claims first to the New Brighton police (whether these were made by the women who laid complaint against Ellis and second male worker is not known) who apparently chose not to act.
Details alleging satanic abuse only arose after failure to get Ellis convicted during the first police probe. Only when the rumours of a ring being active in Christchurch had become common knowledge (as Newbold and Laws confirm on Queer Nation) to the point the connections were now becoming part of standard Christchurch evening dinner talk (where people began to compare notes among themselves according to MP Michael Laws) is when the Satanic claims against Ellis first surfaced. A fact which led to a theory raised in psychiatrist Ken Bragan Giving the Devil His Due: Demonology and the Christchurch Civic Creche Case (Giving the Devil His Due: Demonology and the Christchurch Civic Creche Case (Steele Roberts & Associates Ltd 2009)).
Family of creche children seemingly steered towards this conclusion of Satanism (as absurd as it was) at a meeting organised by the original complaints. The fuelled alarm caused the creche parents to demmand a second investigation (Ansley, B. (10 July 1993). “Judgement in Christchurch”. New Zealand Listener).
While in the mean time the complaint of child abuse made by an original complaint against Ellis against a second male worker at a second creche was deemed false. Not that this fact was revealed to the now panicked parents of the children at the Civic crèche. The meeting had serve as a useful distraction potentially for actual abuses that may have taken place in Christchurch by paedophile ring which the public was becoming aware and of course the charges against Ellis also helped to brush under the carpet that the second complaint made by those crying ‘witch craft’ had proved unfounded (thus damaging the complainants credibility).
However now stirred up by social workers and interviewers (friends and colleagues of the original complainers), who insisted satanic sexual abuse and who now had detective Eade’s support (as Eade was having a sexual relationship with two of the accusers such as Alison) the other Civic crèche families now remained unsatisfied at the outcome of the first investigation. Abuse in one form or another was certainly being committed but it is doubtful Ellis was the perpetrator and certainly not his co-accusers who were the convenient scape goats and the victim of narcistic flying monkeys and malicious gaslighting.
In June 1993, Ellis was convicted of 16 counts of sexual offence involving seven children. The charges on which he was found guilty were that he had urinated on two children, made one masturbate him, put his penis in the mouths of three of them, engaged in indecent touching of three, and put his penis or an unknown associate’s penis against the vagina or anus of three. The following year he was acquitted of three charges involving the oldest complainant, who retracted her allegations and admitted her original statement was what her mother told her to say. The case then entered the Court of Appeal in July 1994 led by Graham Panckhurst QC. A key aspect of the appeal was that the seven children, whose evidence the jury accepted, had named 21 other victims – either as observers or participants. None of those 21 children confirmed any of the allegations.
On the fourth day of the hearing (28 July), the oldest child on whose testimony Ellis was convicted, and probably the most credible of the child witnesses, told her parents that her story was not true, that she had said only what she thought her parents and the interviewer wanted to hear. The Court of Appeal considered that it was not uncommon for child complainants to withdraw their allegations. The appellate judges believed the retraction may have been a case of denial on the part of the child and was grounds to overturn only those convictions relating to that child. The child has continued to maintain that she fabricated her allegation
In March 2000, then Minister of Justice Phil Goff established a ministerial inquiry into the conduct of the interviews, headed by Sir Thomas Eichelbaum. This was undertaken in response to Justice Thorp’s report. It included those from National who had called for an inquiry and had family ties to the crèche and it included Lianne Dalziel the aunt of children abused and now married to the former husband of yet another accused member of the so called Ellis ring.
While Gaye Davidson sided with Lynley Hood’s City Possessed (which took the role no abuse was conducted at all by any one) and National pushed by Nick Smith (left), who also had nephew’s at the creche, on the need for a Royal inquiry.
No inquiry was ever to take pace as Gaye was let down by National and Nick Smith. Who instead cooperated with Labour, their politial rivals, on a minister probe in which those who needed to be investigated would investigate themselves. In the end with a very narrow scope (focusing only on testimony of those who had convicted Ellis) it was declared Ellis had just missed the threshold to prove his innocents. As the government Dalziel was a part of had already denied Ellis a privy council case saying it be too expensive. The ministerial inquiry ? “It fails by a distinct margin; I have not found this anything like a borderline judgment“.
In 2007 The New Zealand Law Journal recently published a two-part paper entitled New evidence in the Peter Ellis case, by researcher Ross Francis. The author refers to the latest research into child sexual abuse and cites documents which have been released only in the last year. The report documents the lengths to which the then Attorney-General, the Hon Margaret Wilson, a Labour MP, went in order to prevent an inquiry into the Peter Ellis case. Wilson’s efforts may have been a factor in Cabinet’s decision to establish a ministerial inquiry rather than a Commission of Inquiry.
MP Roger McClay Roger McClay (National Party and later Children’s Commissioner) who also had personal connections with Nick Smith family and was a was a vocal self appointed Peter Ellis executioner would be responsible for promoting Louise Sas as an “independent expert” to assist Eichelbaum, knowing full well that Sas could be relied on to to provide evidence against Ellis.
Sas was not in fact independent having had contact with a representative of the ‘get Ellis’ faction at the second International Conference on Children Exposed to Family Violence www.lfcc.on.ca/brochure.htm The conference was sponsored by the London (Ontario) Family Court Clinic, of which Sas was a director, an organisation that is on record as believing that Ritual (Satanic) Abuse is an “under-acknowledged” reality (see their publication http://www.lfcc.on.ca/chanland.htm, ). Again under this scenario the idea that Satan’s not actually real but simply a tool for manipulative folk to hold over their victims heads seems not to have occurred to the researchers.
Following Ellis death where hopes of justice seem to have died with him various media have presented witness of new evidence against Ellis. This inevitably takes the form of witness whose times lines don’t match or hide behind anonymity and refuse to explain the inconstancy of their accounts. Or why only after Ellis’s death they have chosen to speak up now. The stories are always distinguished by the journalists decision to omit key details from the Ellis case or raise the issue of the many conflicts of interest and inconsistency which occurred in the case. They In fact point to an orchestrated smear campaign against Ellis even though he is in the grave and has similarity to the accusation levelled at Arthur Allen Thomas after he was pardoned for the murder of Harvey and Jenette Crewe in 1970 after a Royal Commission found police had planted evidence which had framed Thomas and saw him first convicted..
A further number of irregularities in the trial were publicised in a TV3 2020 programme which aired on 16 November 1997. The programme exposed how the jury foreman had been the celebrant at the wedding of the Crown Prosecutor Brent Stanaway 15 years earlier. It revealed how a female juror had also like Eade had a sexual relationship with a co-worker of the mother of one of the children.
The programme also put forward statements that most of the children who made allegations of sexual abuse withdrew their accusations at various times during proceedings but that social workers (who in cases had personal links to the Labour party and crèche family members), conducting the interviews treated this as a symptom of ‘denial’. Such counsellors included Alison Locke of Avonside Girls High School whose head mistress was Marion Hobbs who post Ellis served a Labour Member of Parliament from 1996 to 2008. Locke was the first counsellor involved that convinced Detective Colin Eade to consider charging Peter
Ellis. His perception of Ellis guilt in turn affirmed by the mothers of the crèche children Eade’s was sleeping with.
Meanwhile the parents of the ‘abused’ children collected up to in cases five ACC cheques with a pay out close to half million. All paid out with no question asked and ACC even given a written endorsement from the police Davidson would go onto act for as their guild counsel shortly afterwards. Even in the case where one child claimed Ellis had murdered a giraffe he kept in his back yard ACC had not quibbled or questioned the absurdity of the claim.
Locke, who at that time was based in Christchurch’s Eastside near Brighton, would zero in on the comment allegedly said to one of the children that he hated Ellis “black penis” (Ellis was a pakeha) which is widely now seen to refer to a black puppy. A few months before the woman, simply identifies as “a counsellor” had bought a black puppy from Ellis, who showed her boy how to tell the puppy’s sex. Eight weeks later, the 3-year-old told his mother the counsellor he didn’t like creche worker Peter Ellis’ “black penis”.
The ‘woman’ which Wikipedia identifies as a “counsellor” was herself, the author of a “handbook” on child sexual abuse, “who had recovered memories of being sexually abused” herself saw not the puppy she brought of Ellis but something more sinister.
The police case also included at one point Detective Mark Bouvet who had received a commendation for his work on the Morgan Fahey (Christchurch Deputy Mayor ) rape case which could not be denied after a media sting – Bouvet would be the future partner of Richard Freeman who had comanaged the Sign of the Takahe and the de-facto play pen of National and Cashmere;s beautiful people. Its famed for its stain glass Freemason window (showing off Christchurch water and mineral rich mountains). The building is built on Craftcroft estate where secret tunnels that had led under the Princess Margaret Hospital (where reports of child abuse by patients who committed suicide were simply ignored ) were discovered in 1987. The pair lost management of the historical old boys site after Freeman’s wife died under highly odd circumstances in 2019 and Freeman own links to the Head Hunters gangs and drug and arms rings had become public in 2016.
In 2019 in the weeks before the Chch shooting Davidson had represented Cloud Ocean Water offered to lobby politicians on the bottling company’s behalf. “Rob Davidson, who runs Davidson Legal and has been married to Dalziel since 2019, initially denied that either he or his firm had ever offered to undertake political lobbying for Cloud Ocean or any other client, when contacted by Stuff. That is a line we do not cross.” He later claimed to scrap that offer. Though his ability to access the Mayor ear was still listed on his website – complete with staff doing embarrassingly overt masonic hand signals
In 2020 it was found that his Davidson firm had handled donations exceeding the legal amount from Chinese firm for Dalziel re-election campaign. Shortly afterwards Davison died of cancer and media tune once more made the recidivist self declared law breaker into a man of the people. The SFO investigation and growing concern over charities he was linked to conveniently brushed aside forgotten. As Lianne Dalzeil also sought to dismiss growing concerns over the Christchurch Foundation (which Rolleston chaired) lack of transparency.
The SFO would clear Dalziel but frankly that means jack shit to any one who watched the SFO in action. Primarily since the SFO was itself set up in the 1990’s as Neo liberalism set out to gets it grips into New Zealand by right wing (neo conservative and neoliberal) politicians who wanted to take the job of investigating high level fraud away from the Justice department for the crime of doing their job of going after white collar crime too well
Another key fact overlooked by those who insist no abuse was taking place at the Christchurch City council crèche, that the entire idea of a ring of powerful paedophile ring, was simply fiction is the fact the Christchurch deputy mayor (1989–1998) Morgan Fayhey was in fact a himself a rapist and a paedophile of women and young teen many of whom were in state custody at the time of his offences.
Fahey’s own offending spanned thirty years before he was caught. Fahey had avoided detection using his clout (which included being named as valued fiend at the National party’s 61st conference in Christchurch in 1998 the year he was convicted) to camouflage his whole sale abuse of young women and teenagers. For example one of Fayhey’s many victims would include Gwyneth Beard who was molested along with other girls by Fahey and other medical professions at Strathmore Girls’ Home in Christchurch.
Simlar claims made by other girls at the home were simply dismissed as lies when they tried to report their own sexual abuse experiences in and out of the state home. The case when it finally did become public revealed a litany of allegations made against “Feely Fahey” prior to TV3’s 20/20 1998 expose on Fahey. Once made public the case would then be over seen by Detective Mark Bouvet who also served it is believed on the Ellis case in a minor role. In the initial days when it looked like Fahey would beat the charges he had widespread support within the medical community and the professional classes of Christchurch such as Dr Roger Ridley-Smith. Ridley Smith, who would defended Fahey’s actions, himself had spoken of his Maori women patients as “dingbats”.
Fahey would in post sentence be paroled to his luxury home in Queenstown under the supervision of a former associated of his from Christchurch parole officer Mary Stamers-Smith whose married to Queenstown Lakes District councillor Simon Stamers–Smith’s who in 1981 ran for the National Party as an MP in Christchurch.
Only a sliver of Fahey’s full crimes have being publicly revealed. Enough to confirm his offending went back to the 1970s and include the rape and impregnation of a minor. For his crime of 13 sexual crimes involving 11 women Fahey would be sentenced to six years in jail. This equalled about six months for each offence. He would be paroled after serving just four years of his sentence. The detectives heading the case declared they would not try to trace the rape and sex victims examined by Fahey during his thirty years of offending including allegation that Fahey had made some of his victims drug addict to enhance their vulnerability.
In the same time Fahey was deputy Mayor of Christchurch the Christchurch City Council employed two skinheads David Crawford the chairman of the National Front (and co editor of the anti-Semitic magazine Heed*1) and Kyle Chapman the President of the National Front, the NZ branch of the British based National Front at the time in addition to funding Chapman trust for ‘homeless’ skinheads. New Way Trust was run by councillor, police and Kyle Chapman which Chapman was still using in 2014 when found dipping his hand into a similar charity set up in Hamilton.
- *1 = By 1980 Crawford had founded with then self confessed Neo Nazi Satanist Kerry Bolton the New Zealand branch of the Church of Odin. Paul Spoonley quotes Crawford as saying that the Church of Odin was exclusively for whites, and specifically whites “of non-Jewish descent” and that “the main
Odinic law requires loyalty to race” Crawford also had links to the WACL (World Anti Communist League) who recruited white supremacist and far right to act as mercenaries in US proxy wars against the Soviet Union.
The so called homeless skinhead of Christchurch included a man known as Gary Isherwood who in 2004 was jailed for 20 counts of abduction, rape, sodomy and administering a Class B drug. In 1999 Isherwood was jailed for eight years after forcing a 14-year-old girl to take heroin, making her an addict, and then forcing her into prostitution to pay him for her drug supply. Isherwood was just 21 when he was arrested in 1999 for running the prostitution racket, making the 14-year-old work on the city’s central Manchester St and Latimer Square (opposite the prestigious Christchurch Club [Photo Above] and the then open Masonic Lodge). Subsequent academic studies confirmed street youth in Christchurch were being used as pawns by bigger fish up the food chain after being groomed not just for sex but for other crimes as well be it arson burglary or pimping.
With that in mind there are three cases of arson allegedly carried out by youth with psychiatric problems which in hindsight deserve a second look.
A) Arson conducted in Companies office files relating to firms under investigation during the Wine Box Inquiry in merchant bankers including Brielry Investment
B) Antonio’s house Riccarton Road burned down in the week after the Christchurch shooting previously used by police anti terrorist squads located next to the Spark centre believed to be used for internet traffic overseen by Kordia Ltd.
C) The fire that broke out at Princess Margaret Hospital used by police to conduct a counter terrorism operation built on the former secret headquarters of the Southern Military Command (which is believed to connect to a mansion in the Cashmere suburb located near the Craftcoft reserve and the site of the Sign of the Takahe). Today the hospital used for youth with psychiatric issues has one of the worst record of conduct in the nation with over 600 arsons escapes and assaults recorded at the site each year. In 2010 a suicided patients complained of an sexual assaults conduct by staff which remain uninvestigated.
I also wrote in State Secrets (published in 1999) my concerns of the far right in Christchurch which include Gun City (where the Christchurch shooter procured his weapons). Its owner David Tipple’s had known links right wing mercenary groups and the future chairman of the Christchurch Foundation charities link to South African Rhodesia (under the regime of Ian Smith) anti communist right wing mercenaries the former CEO of the Christchurch Press Humphrey Rolleston; The Press in fact happily printed until March 15th 2019 Gun City’s full page adverts to “Pimp Your Ride’ as it content showed how you could make your hunting rifle look more like a weapon used to shoot people
Expanding on Christchurch far right and dark under belly of racism and political corruption I noted;
“Current South Island far right wing organisations include Force 88, who popped out of nowhere in 1997, coinciding with former Christchurch Labour MP Mike Moore’s (whose Wall Without Wall opposed by Left has since being repackaged as the Global Migration Pact which set off the Christ church attack -editor’s note) decision to make gangs a public issue.
The sudden emergence of skinheads as the number one news story was assisted by a spate of ‘skinhead related attacks’ within Christchurch, including an attack on a Somalian woman and ending with the attack on an African male at Sumner beach. The gentleman, who coincidentally turned out to be the head of the Christchurch Africa Association, was set upon by two skinheads who 218 then scarpered, leaving Police to charge a group of ‘petrol heads”’ who had gathered to watch the ‘entertainment’. One source, familiar with the group charged, described the group as ‘so stupid they wouldn’t know how to spell racism let alone know what it means’.
The attack, which was said to have occurred for over ten minutes, took place within sight of a Police vehicle, but unfortunately the Police didn’t realise what was happening, and did not intervene until the original instigators of the attack had fled. The National Front today can in turn be linked to the heavier and infamous Harris brother clique who are in turn associated with the Epitaph, the Nomads and in Timaru the white supremacist gang the Road Knights, a nice little group renowned for its hobbies of murder and sodomy. The African victim’s rescuers were, in fact, an off duty Police officer and civilian whose own brother had been slain in a racially-motivated killing the year before. Subsequent investigations discovered that the Stormtroopers Gang could be linked to the National Front, led by a skinhead working for the Christchurch City Council who was being paid to rehabilitate skinheads. For his work, the skinhead received a grant of $15,000 from the Christchurch council and another $35,000 from the Prime Minister’s Office Crime Prevention Authority” (That in fact is not technically correct the agency in question was the police ministry).
As of 2014 Chapman claimed to be an active trustee of New Way Trust – the accounts were consigned by a policer officer and a Christchurch city councillor. Oddly the Christchurch Press who as I previously noted pre shooting took Tipple money and post shooting ran an ‘investigation’ into white supremacy which only looked at the bottom feeders and has never bothered to investigate the trust or where the money went over two decades with the exception of a single glowing appraisal. Its journalist Sam Sherwood in fact would ring me up to ask how I felt about being on the list of people of interest prior to Sherwood writing an article in which I clearly formed part of the basis of a composite character (not named) which Sherwood had linked to white supremacist as the Press went on the attack concerning any alternative media which challenged the official narrative put out by the press which was itself often full of errors fawningly saccharine in its report and gave confusing account which led to conspiracy and distrust in the media from Islamic victims and the wider public alike. The idea that some of the ‘beautiful people’ of Christchurch famed for their reputation of being more English than the English, a city of English rose and private boarding schools, might have some unsavvy friends was clearly a topic the Press would not touch. And in light of who its owner had being Humphrey Rolleston the Christchurch Foundation chairman with a side lines in attack helicopter and far right cold war mercenaries I am hardly surprised the Press has always had a pro security forces editorial stance.
I worked at the time on this section of my State Secrets with now councillor Yarni Johanson to see what we could do to find more info on the MPs (Labour and National) we believed were using skinheads and street gangs to conduct dirty deeds done dirt cheap. MP’s who used gangs and violence as smoke screens to push their own burrow or used as needed to distract away from other crisis they wish to avoid.
Sadly we found heaps of smoke but not enough fire to name these very senior MPs outright in the book or the TV news celebrity whose name came up time and time again when I spoke to street kids and sex workers.
I am now beginning to realise however a lot of those abusers of street kids (operating at a street level) were themselves abused while under institutionalised care and were the products of institutionalised grooming and manipulation by those situated in higher strata of society on a grand scale in their own right.
And the idea of institutionalised abuse, a fear factory if you well, is not confined to Christchurch alone.
6. Firmiter et Fideliter “strength and steadfastness” aka Brute Force & Blind Obedience.